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2026-10-22 15:24:02 GMT

A ghost at the Luke Fidler Colliery in Shamokin | 1900
A fall of rock crushed Frank Broderick inside Shamokin’s Luke Fidler Colliery. Days later, his coworkers swore he had come back as they worked near the spot where he had been fatally injured on March 28, 1900. Newspapers carrying stories of his death alternatively called him Thomas Bedoric, Thomas Bederick, and Thomas Rederick.
The official register of mining fatalities recorded his name as John Vidovic, a 30-year-old non-citizen Polish mineworker who died from a “fall of rock.” His was the seventh death recorded in the 7th Anthracite District that year and the first fatality at Luke Fidler in 1900.
Thousands of men worked in Pennsylvania’s anthracite mines, and they traded whispered stories of strange sounds and the restless souls of men lost to accidents and disasters. This story appeared in the newspapers in early 1900:
From the Wilkes-Barre Daily News, April 1900
A MINE HAUNTED.
STRANGE TALE TOLD BY WORKMEN IN THE LUKE FIDLER COLLIERY AT SHAMOKIN—SAY THEY SAW A MAN WHO WAS KILLED SOME TIME BEFORE.
According to a lot of foreign miners, the wraith of Frank Broderick, an Austro-Hungarian, haunts Luke Fidler shaft, and some of them refuse to work in or near the part of the mine in which he lost his life, by a fall of top rock, last Wednesday a week. Broderick was not killed instantly, but died shortly after his removal to the boarding house, on Tioga street.
During his life Broderick contributed nothing to the support of his church and seldom, if ever, attended services. He often expressed his non-belief in the church doctrines, but it is claimed, as the breath of life was departing, he asked for a priest. Before a messenger could summon one he was dead.
It is known positively that when asked by friends where he wished to be buried, between gasps he said, ‘Bury me in the dirt bank.’ He was interred in the corner of the Polish Cemetery, reserved for the non-attendants of church.
While mining yesterday six foreigners heard a rumbling noise, like the shoveling of coal. They stopped work and listened attentively. The noise continued.
John Guginskie walked in the direction of the sound and declares that he saw by the light of his lamp the outline of Broderick’s form and face. He called to him, but he [re]ceived no answer. To satisfy himself that it really was a man Guginskie says he struck at it.
According to the miner’s story, the pick ax passed through the supposed apparation [sic] and, landing on a rock, jarred Guginskie to the floor, his nose and face being badly cut.
He scrambled to his feet and alleges that the figure had vanished. The terrified miner then fled to his companions. The story spread like wild fire. A number of miners and laborers at once picked up their buckets and refused to work. Many others, whose superstitions have gotten the better of their reason, threatened to follow in their steps.
Miners at work in the 1900s in the Coal Region – NYPL
Stories like this moved quickly through the dark, dangerous world of the mines. Hundreds of feet underground, with death and injury always close, they were one way mineworkers made sense of what could happen to any of them on any shift.
Read more about ghost stories in the Coal Region
Ghost stories and dark folklore collected by George Korson in the Coal Region | 1938
A ghost story from Pottsville, Pennsylvania | 1865
A failed Halloween prank on the trolley tracks at Plymouth, Pennsylvania | October 1892
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2026-10-20 14:00:57 GMT

Letters from War: 1861 | “Shoulder Arms” meets the enslaved and the self-emancipated on the shores of the Potomac
“On last Saturday morning our division advanced some five or six miles,” wrote correspondent “Shoulder Arms” from the forward camp of the 7th Pennsylvania Reserves on October 20, 1861 near Langley, Virginia.
As the weather cooled and the forests west of the nation’s capital turned from green to yellows, oranges, and reds, the Coal Region soldiers of Company F, 7th Reserves, drew picket duty at a forward outpost guarding the regiment’s camp while the rest of the regiment marched with the division to probe Confederate defenses on the Virginia side of the Potomac River west of Great Falls.
Union soldiers on guard duty near Langley, Virginia in early 1862 (Frank Leslie’s)
At the time “Shoulder Arms” wrote to Mifflin Hannum, editor of the Luzerne Union, Confederate forces massed near Leesburg, were readying for a clash with US Army forces poised to cross the Potomac roughly 35 miles northwest of Washington. That clash came the next day at the Battle of Ball’s Bluff on October 21, 1861, a disaster for Union forces.
But “Shoulder Arms” and the 7th Pennsylvania Reserves saw no action. While the remainder of his regiment marched out looking for rebel forces, the soldier correspondent drew mail duty. After picking up the unit’s mail, he stopped at the home of Jane Jackson, mother of James Jackson, the Alexandria innkeeper who shot Colonel Elmer Ellsworth on May 24, 1861, and was killed on the spot by one of Ellsworth’s men.
At the house, formerly enslaved people were carting away books and furniture following Jane Jackson’s arrest as a secessionist and suspected Confederate spy. He spoke with several of them. They told him what their enslavers had said about US soldiers, and that they believed Jackson’s arrest was justified by her support of secession. Another said he intended to serve as a teamster in the Union Army. The Lincoln administration did not yet enlist Black men as soldiers, but the Army would employ tens of thousands of Black workers over the course of the war as teamsters, cooks, and other support personnel.
Formerly enslaved men – contrabands – employed as teamsters by the US Army (LOC)
The letter is an important primary document of Union soldiers encountering slavery on the Virginia shore of the Potomac. Beyond the people at the abandoned Jackson home, the author also noted that a “contraband” had arrived in camp, the term used for Black refugees from slavery who sought freedom by escaping to the lines of United States forces. This man, whom the author sadly does not name, had escaped from the camp of the 8th Louisiana farther west in Virginia.
As historians have noted, including Kevin Levin in Searching for Black Confederates: The Civil War’s Most Persistent Myth, the Confederate army relied heavily on enslaved labor to fill support roles. The man in this letter told Union soldiers that he was from Missouri but had been brought to Virginia and forced to labor for the Confederate army. He fled when the chance came, something that hundreds of thousands of enslaved people would do during the Civil War.
From the Luzerne Union, October 30, 1861
LETTER FROM COL. HARVEY’S REGIMENT.
CAMP HUNT, Oct. 20, 1861.
COL. HANNUM—Dear Sir:—
You no doubt have been apprised of our moving into Virginia on the 9th inst. We encamped about four miles from the Chain Bridge. Gen. McCall took up his headquarters at a place called Langley, the principal buildings of which were a deserted tavern, a blacksmith shop, and a few out-buildings. Our boys have been kept either on picket or fatigue duty, cutting up corn or down wood as directed nearly all the time since we came into Virginia.
On last Saturday morning our division advanced some five or six miles further towards Leesburg, and then bivouacked, leaving our baggage, and some their blankets, back at camp. Companies B and F being out on picket did not advance with the regiment, and are still kept on picket, much against their will, as they want a hand in if the rest are to have a fight.
I went out with the regiment but came back yesterday morning for the mail. On my way back I stopped at the house of Mrs. Jackson, the mother of James W. Jackson, Ellsworth’s murderer. She had been aiding and helping to plot treason, but on Sunday last was arrested and conveyed to Washington, and is now held as a prisoner.
The house presents a picture of desolation—pictures, books and furniture all scattered about in confusion. The negroes had been and were hauling them away. They said, “Misses had no business to be secessia,” “good enuff for her.”
One, a strapping fellow about 18, said he was going to drive team for the Union army.
They say, “Some ob de colored folks am just fool ’nuff to believe dare massas, when dey say de norf want to sell us to Cuba to pay de spenses of dis war, but dey can’t fool us.”
I picked up some old letters, bills of negro sales, &c., that were lying around, which are quite indicative of southern character; likewise a large pair of saddle-bags, which I think I shall appropriate as U.S. mail bags, if I continue to carry the mail.
A contraband came into our regiment on Saturday night. He escaped from the Louisiana 8th, though his native place is Missouri. He is quite an intelligent negro, writes a fair hand, and tells a straight story. His regiment were on picket, and he ran away from them because his master whipped him so. He says he don’t think there are many rebels this side of Manassas.
Our boys have just returned to camp again. They met with no incidents that I know of while absent. Yours, &c.,
SHOULDER ARMS.
Read the previous letter from the Letters from War: 1861 series.
This is part of an ongoing series called “Letters from War: 1861” that will share correspondence written on the front lines during the turbulent first year of the Civil War.
Read more Civil War stories from Jake Wynn – Public Historian
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2026-10-16 19:21:50 GMT

Letters from War: 1861 | Sergeant James Silliman and the 28th Pennsylvania under fire at the Battle of Bolivar Heights
On October 18, 1861, 28-year-old Sergeant James Silliman, Jr. wrote home to a loved one in Pottsville, Pennsylvania, describing the first real combat he had seen with Colonel John White Geary’s 28th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry. Silliman served in Company A, raised in Hazleton in the spring of 1861, which counted dozens of men from Coal Region communities in Luzerne and Schuylkill counties among its ranks.
John White Geary (LOC)
Silliman was the son of James Silliman, Sr., a successful merchant and coal operator and a veteran of the War of 1812. Raised in Schuylkill County, the younger Silliman enlisted in Captain Ario Pardee, Jr.’s company when the war broke out. Pardee, too, was the son of a prosperous coal operator.
In the letter, later published in Pottsville’s Miners’ Journal, Silliman describes the Battle of Bolivar Heights, fought on October 16, 1861, on the high ground above Harpers Ferry, Virginia. He traces his company’s crossing of the Potomac River from Maryland, a night spent sleeping amid the ruins of the U.S. Arsenal, and the uphill march into a widening fight as Confederate forces pressed their attack on Bolivar Heights.
Harpers Ferry, Virginia as it appeared in 1861 (LOC)
“It is truly wonderful that we had no lives lost in our company,” Silliman wrote after the battle. “Lieut. Fitzpatrick and myself made a very narrow escape at one time, a shell exploding not two yards from us and bullets flew over our heads like hail.”
The 28th Pennsylvania played a key role in the Union victory, holding steady under fire from Confederates to their front and from a U.S. artillery battery on Maryland Heights that mistook them for rebels. By the standards of the war to come, the fight was small, with roughly 600 Union soldiers facing about 500 Confederate militiamen. For Silliman, though, it was a momentous first test under fire, and one that built his confidence.
View from Bolivar Heights looking toward Harpers Ferry, with Maryland Heights looming above – taken in the 1880s (SMU)
Silliman’s letter makes no mention of it, but the Battle of Bolivar Heights fell on the second anniversary of John Brown’s raid on the U.S. Arsenal at Harpers Ferry, a pivotal step on the nation’s road to civil war.
The Miners’ Journal introduced Silliman’s letter with this:
The Battle of Bolivar
This engagement as our readers are aware, took place on Wednesday of last week, at the town of Bolivar, near Harpers Ferry. The Union troops numbered 800 men, and the rebels 3000. We gained the day, killing and wounding between two and three hundred of the enemy, and capturing a 32 pounder.
Our loss was six men.
The following letter from a citizen of this Borough, a member of Company A, 28th Regiment, Colonel Geary, who was in the engagement, is the most complete we have seen, and will be read with interest.
Here’s the full letter, from the Miners’ Journal, October 26, 1861:
Berlin [now Brunswick, Maryland],
October 18th, 1861,
Yours together with Father’s, came duly to hand on Tuesday evening, just as the Company was preparing to move for Harpers Ferry, having received orders a few minutes before to go up there on a double quick, it being supposed that Gen. Johnson was moving that way with a large body of men.
At 8 o’clock we were under way for the Ferry, (62 men of Co. A), took the tow path for it , and arrived opposite the Ferry at 10 o’clock, where we embarked on a raft and were ferried across the river to Harpers Ferry, at which place we arrived half an hour later.
We remained in the Arsenal grounds waiting [for] orders from Col. Geary, who was at the time in the town with two more companies of the 28th, D, and F.
We did not see the Col. that night, but made arrangements to go into quarters, which we found in an old Government building, where we remained till early the next morning. We were just forming the Company in the street, when a messenger came in stating that the enemy were firing upon our pickets at the outskirts of the town, and that we should go to their relief.
Buildings and ruins of the US Arsenal at Harpers Ferry, where Silliman and his comrades slept on the night of October 15, 1861 (LOC)
We started on a double quick, and on the way met Col. Geary, who took command of us and one company of the [13th Massachusetts], who joined us on our way through the town.
When we got to Bolivar a mile north of the Ferry, we were reinforced by one company of [the 2nd Wisconsin]. By the time the fighting was very severe on the outskirts of the town (Bolivar), the enemy having driven in our pickets to that point. The three companies of us were here deployed as skirmishers, we taking the right, to guard the railroad and to keep the enemy from throwing in reinforcements from Martinsburg.
We held that position for an hour, when orders came for us to advance, which was made by all our forces at the same time, we still keeping the right, the enemy falling back as we advanced to a piece of woods, which place they held for some time, before they could be driven out.
At this point the Rhode Island battery which was on the other side of the river on the Maryland Heights, opened upon them with shell, all of which passed over our heads. As we were then just in the midst of three heavy fires, several of our own shell dropping amongst us, we at this point fell back some distance from fear of our own battery on the opposite side of the river, with which we were in range, they shelling the woods to the left of us, where the enemy had a 32 pounder concealed, and were using upon our men but not with much effect, all their shots going over the heads of our men.
The signal was thrown up by Col. Geary to the Rhode Island battery to cease firing, which was done, when we were ordered forward by Col. Geary to the woods in front of us, also at the same time cautioning us not to fire as we approached the woods, as a Wisconsin Co. were in it.
As we advanced towards the woods we saw quite a number of men on the outskirts who beckoned for us to come. We advanced, and just as we had crossed a fence some 200 yards from the woods, a heavy fire was opened upon us.
View from Bolivar Heights near the battlefield of October 16, 1861 – taken in the 1880s (SMU)
The men immediately fell upon the ground which protected us from the shots of the Wisconsin, as we thought they were and we supposing had taken us for the enemy, having a uniform just like them. By this time the left of our Co., which was extended as skirmishers, also gained the woods, when a heavy fire was opened upon them, but strange to say no one was in any way injured; but we lost one of our men, Corporal Pratt, who was taken prisoner and hurried off.
The signal was given that instead of the Wisconsin boys being in there, the rebels had command of the woods. A cheer was sent up by the Mass. men on our left to advance which was done on a double quick. We soon gained the woods, where a brisk skirmish commenced, and lasted about half an hour, when we were reinforced by another Mass. Co.
We then made a rush through the woods yelling like madmen, and doing good execution. We drove them to the outer edge of the woods, into a level field, where we had an open field at them. Here was where we did much execution, as they retreated, killing some 20 or 30, and taking numerous articles of theirs such as blankets, coats, and provisions.
We did not attempt to follow them across this open field, as they, we supposed, had a masked battery in the woods opposite this field, which afterwards proved true. During all this time the men were fighting bravely on our left.
As the fight reached fully two miles along the outskirts of the woods, sometimes they would drive our men down into the town of Bolivar, when reinforcements would arrive, and again the enemy would be driven to the woods. They had several times gained the advantage of us, and had it not been for us on the right, the enemy would have flanked our left, ande the battle would have been lost, and our retreat to the Ferry cut off.
This Colonel Geary knew, and told us we must hold our position at all hazards. I cannot begin to describe the feeling of the men that day, and the sights I saw; but suffice it to say, that we 800 men, defeated three regiments, 3000 strong (Mississippians) captured a number of prisoners, and killed, by Col. Geary’s report, between 200 and 300 men. A glorious victory.
Company A has received much praise, and was highly complimented by the Col. and officers of different regiments, as having the honor of turning the battle in our favor. We fought them from 8 in the morning till 4 in the afternoon, when the enemy gave way. Our centre followed up for a mile or so, and captured from them their 32 pounder, which they tried to get off with them, but could not. They spiked it before they left.
The boys have the piece now on this side of the river and have it mounted.
We laid that night on the open field without any cover, having left our overcoats in the building at the Ferry. We suffered very much from cold and hunger, not having had anything to eat or drink since the evening before. The men were at the same time all worn out.
We were not allowed to sleep, as we did not know at what minute we might be attacked. At about 12 o’clock at night the Col. came up to us, and ordered all the companies to fall back upon
Bolivar, and from there to the Ferry, with the intention of crossing to this side, fearing an attack early in the morning by a very large force. We gained this side of the river about 3 o’clock that night, and brought our artillery also along, it consisting of two 6 pounders of the 9th New York. The greatest part of the day we had but one piece. We were reinforced in the afternoon by three more companies of our Regt., but they did not get in the engagement, arriving after we had the enemy routed.
I have since learned that the Rhode Island battery fired into us on purpose, taking us for the enemy, in gray uniform. It is lucky their shots did not take effect. Still their shells fell pretty thick around us.
The Wisconsin company that we supposed were in the woods had gone to our left about one mile.
It is truly wonderful that we had no lives lost in our company. Lieut. Fitzpatrick and myself made a very narrow escape at one time, a shell exploding not two yards from us and bullets flew over our heads like hail. The Mass. company on our left lost 4 men, and the 2nd Wisconsin, who were completely riddled, and stripped of all their clothing. The purpose of the enemy attacking the Ferry was to procure some 60,000 bushels of wheat, which the Government had purchased, and were about moving it across the river.
J.S.
Read the previous letter from the Letters from War: 1861 series.
This is part of an ongoing series called “Letters from War: 1861” that will share correspondence written on the front lines during the turbulent first year of the Civil War.
Read more Civil War stories from Jake Wynn – Public Historian
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